Questões de Concursos FURB

O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.

Por que algumas pessoas sentem cheiro de barata?

Peraí, barata tem cheiro? Pois é, um dos insetos que mais causa medo e nojo nas pessoas possui um cheiro bem peculiar. O lance, na verdade, é que nem todo mundo consegue senti-lo. Essa "habilidade" que somente algumas pessoas possuem está gravada no DNA e se deve a uma combinação de fatores.

Uma das formas de comunicação das baratas é o cheiro. Os feromônios produzidos por elas (chamados também de hidrocarbonetos cuticulares) possuem uma substância química chamada trimetilamina (TMA). Essa molécula libera um odor que só pode ser sentido por quem tem um gene específico que codifica o quimioreceptor da trimetilamina.

Não é todo mundo, porém, que apresenta esse gene ativo. Algumas pessoas têm uma mutação nessa região do genoma, fazendo com que elas não sintam o cheiro da TMA (e, consequentemente, o das baratas).

Como é o cheiro da barata?

Segundo relatos (inclusive, o do próprio autor deste texto), o cheiro parece algo mofado ou oleoso, mas não necessariamente (é meio difícil descrever, rs). Esse "perfume" pode variar dependendo de alguns fatores do ambiente: o quão limpo ele é, os alimentos com que a barata entra em contato por ali etc. Além disso, baratas de espécies diferentes têm cheiros diferentes também.

E elas não são as únicas. As formigas também têm cheiros diferentes que nem todo mundo consegue sentir. Algumas espécies (como a Lasius interjectus) têm cheiro de citronela, enquanto outras, como as do gênero Odontomachus , cheiram a chocolate.

Nem todas possuem o cheiro forte o suficiente para que a gente consiga sentir. Às vezes, só conseguimos percebê-lo quando há uma grande colônia de formigas ou quando o pobre animal é esmagado (liberando seu odor).

Essa diferença na percepção de cheiros não se restringe somente às baratas ou formigas. Uma pesquisa publicada na Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) em 2019 revelou que pessoas não sentem os cheiros da mesma forma. Nós temos mais de 400 receptores olfativos diferentes − porém, devido às variações genéticas de cada indivíduo, uns são mais sensíveis para determinados odores do que outros.

Retirado e adaptado de: PEREIRA, Caio César. Por que algumas pessoas sentem cheiro de barata? Superinteressante. Disponível em: https://super.abril.com.br/ciencia/por-que-algumaspessoas-sentem-cheiro-de-barata/ Acesso em: 22 fev., 2024.

O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.

Por que algumas pessoas sentem cheiro de barata?

Peraí, barata tem cheiro? Pois é, um dos insetos que mais causa medo e nojo nas pessoas possui um cheiro bem peculiar. O lance, na verdade, é que nem todo mundo consegue senti-lo. Essa "habilidade" que somente algumas pessoas possuem está gravada no DNA e se deve a uma combinação de fatores.

Uma das formas de comunicação das baratas é o cheiro. Os feromônios produzidos por elas (chamados também de hidrocarbonetos cuticulares) possuem uma substância química chamada trimetilamina (TMA). Essa molécula libera um odor que só pode ser sentido por quem tem um gene específico que codifica o quimioreceptor da trimetilamina.

Não é todo mundo, porém, que apresenta esse gene ativo. Algumas pessoas têm uma mutação nessa região do genoma, fazendo com que elas não sintam o cheiro da TMA (e, consequentemente, o das baratas).

Como é o cheiro da barata?

Segundo relatos (inclusive, o do próprio autor deste texto), o cheiro parece algo mofado ou oleoso, mas não necessariamente (é meio difícil descrever, rs). Esse "perfume" pode variar dependendo de alguns fatores do ambiente: o quão limpo ele é, os alimentos com que a barata entra em contato por ali etc. Além disso, baratas de espécies diferentes têm cheiros diferentes também.

E elas não são as únicas. As formigas também têm cheiros diferentes que nem todo mundo consegue sentir. Algumas espécies (como a Lasius interjectus) têm cheiro de citronela, enquanto outras, como as do gênero Odontomachus , cheiram a chocolate.

Nem todas possuem o cheiro forte o suficiente para que a gente consiga sentir. Às vezes, só conseguimos percebê-lo quando há uma grande colônia de formigas ou quando o pobre animal é esmagado (liberando seu odor).

Essa diferença na percepção de cheiros não se restringe somente às baratas ou formigas. Uma pesquisa publicada na Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) em 2019 revelou que pessoas não sentem os cheiros da mesma forma. Nós temos mais de 400 receptores olfativos diferentes − porém, devido às variações genéticas de cada indivíduo, uns são mais sensíveis para determinados odores do que outros.

Retirado e adaptado de: PEREIRA, Caio César. Por que algumas pessoas sentem cheiro de barata? Superinteressante. Disponível em: https://super.abril.com.br/ciencia/por-que-algumaspessoas-sentem-cheiro-de-barata/ Acesso em: 22 fev., 2024.

Plurilingualism and translanguaging: commonalities and divergences

Both plurilingual and translanguaging pedagogical practices in the education of language minoritized students remain controversial, for schools have a monolingual and monoglossic tradition that is hard to disrupt, even when the disrupting stance brings success to learners. At issue is the national identity that schools are supposed to develop in their students, and the Eurocentric system of knowledge, circulated through standardized named languages, that continues to impose what Quijano (2000) has called a coloniality of power.

All theories emerge from a place, an experience, a time, and a position, and in this case, plurilingualism and translanguaging have developed, as we have seen, from different loci of enunciation. But concepts do not remain static in a time and place, as educators and researchers take them up, as they travel, and as educators develop alternative practices. Thus, plurilingual and translanguaging pedagogical practices sometimes look the same, and sometimes they even have the same practical goals. For example, educators who say they use plurilingual pedagogical practices might insist on developing bilingual identities, and not solely use plurilingualism as a scaffold. And educators who claim to use translanguaging pedagogical practices sometimes use them only as a scaffold to the dominant language, not grasping its potential. In the United States, translanguaging pedagogies are often used in English-as-a-Second Language programs only as a scaffold. And although the potential for translanguaging is more likely to be found in bilingual education programs, this is also at times elusive. The potential is curtailed, for example, by the strict language allocation policies that have accompanied the growth of dual language education programs in the last decade in the USA, which come close to the neoliberal understanding of multilingualism espoused in the European Union.

It is important to keep the conceptual distinctions between plurilingualism and translanguaging at the forefront as we develop ways of enacting them in practice, even when pedagogies may turn out to look the same. Because the theoretical stance of translanguaging brings forth and affirms dynamic multilingual realities, it offers the potential to transform minoritized communities sense of self that the concept of plurilingualism may not always do. The purpose of translanguaging could be transformative of socio-political and socio-educational structures that legitimize the language hierarchies that exclude minoritized bilingual students and the epistemological understandings that render them invisible. In its theoretical formulation, translanguaging disrupts the concept of named languages and the power hierarchies in which languages are positioned. But the issue for the future is whether school authorities will allow translanguaging to achieve its potential, or whether it will silence it as simply another kind of scaffold. To the degree that educators act on translanguaging with political intent, it will continue to crack some openings and to open opportunities for bilingual students. Otherwise, the present conceptual differences between plurilingualism and translanguaging will be erased.

Source: GARCÍA, Ofelia; OTHEGUY, Ricardo. Plurilingualism and translanguaging: Commonalities and divergences. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, v. 23, n. 1, p. 17-35, 2020.

Garcia e Otheguy (2020)

Plurilingualism and translanguaging: commonalities and divergences

Both plurilingual and translanguaging pedagogical practices in the education of language minoritized students remain controversial, for schools have a monolingual and monoglossic tradition that is hard to disrupt, even when the disrupting stance brings success to learners. At issue is the national identity that schools are supposed to develop in their students, and the Eurocentric system of knowledge, circulated through standardized named languages, that continues to impose what Quijano (2000) has called a coloniality of power.

All theories emerge from a place, an experience, a time, and a position, and in this case, plurilingualism and translanguaging have developed, as we have seen, from different loci of enunciation. But concepts do not remain static in a time and place, as educators and researchers take them up, as they travel, and as educators develop alternative practices. Thus, plurilingual and translanguaging pedagogical practices sometimes look the same, and sometimes they even have the same practical goals. For example, educators who say they use plurilingual pedagogical practices might insist on developing bilingual identities, and not solely use plurilingualism as a scaffold. And educators who claim to use translanguaging pedagogical practices sometimes use them only as a scaffold to the dominant language, not grasping its potential. In the United States, translanguaging pedagogies are often used in English-as-a-Second Language programs only as a scaffold. And although the potential for translanguaging is more likely to be found in bilingual education programs, this is also at times elusive. The potential is curtailed, for example, by the strict language allocation policies that have accompanied the growth of dual language education programs in the last decade in the USA, which come close to the neoliberal understanding of multilingualism espoused in the European Union.

It is important to keep the conceptual distinctions between plurilingualism and translanguaging at the forefront as we develop ways of enacting them in practice, even when pedagogies may turn out to look the same. Because the theoretical stance of translanguaging brings forth and affirms dynamic multilingual realities, it offers the potential to transform minoritized communities sense of self that the concept of plurilingualism may not always do. The purpose of translanguaging could be transformative of socio-political and socio-educational structures that legitimize the language hierarchies that exclude minoritized bilingual students and the epistemological understandings that render them invisible. In its theoretical formulation, translanguaging disrupts the concept of named languages and the power hierarchies in which languages are positioned. But the issue for the future is whether school authorities will allow translanguaging to achieve its potential, or whether it will silence it as simply another kind of scaffold. To the degree that educators act on translanguaging with political intent, it will continue to crack some openings and to open opportunities for bilingual students. Otherwise, the present conceptual differences between plurilingualism and translanguaging will be erased.

Source: GARCÍA, Ofelia; OTHEGUY, Ricardo. Plurilingualism and translanguaging: Commonalities and divergences. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, v. 23, n. 1, p. 17-35, 2020.

Garcia e Otheguy (2020)

Plurilingualism and translanguaging: commonalities and divergences

Both plurilingual and translanguaging pedagogical practices in the education of language minoritized students remain controversial, for schools have a monolingual and monoglossic tradition that is hard to disrupt, even when the disrupting stance brings success to learners. At issue is the national identity that schools are supposed to develop in their students, and the Eurocentric system of knowledge, circulated through standardized named languages, that continues to impose what Quijano (2000) has called a coloniality of power.

All theories emerge from a place, an experience, a time, and a position, and in this case, plurilingualism and translanguaging have developed, as we have seen, from different loci of enunciation. But concepts do not remain static in a time and place, as educators and researchers take them up, as they travel, and as educators develop alternative practices. Thus, plurilingual and translanguaging pedagogical practices sometimes look the same, and sometimes they even have the same practical goals. For example, educators who say they use plurilingual pedagogical practices might insist on developing bilingual identities, and not solely use plurilingualism as a scaffold. And educators who claim to use translanguaging pedagogical practices sometimes use them only as a scaffold to the dominant language, not grasping its potential. In the United States, translanguaging pedagogies are often used in English-as-a-Second Language programs only as a scaffold. And although the potential for translanguaging is more likely to be found in bilingual education programs, this is also at times elusive. The potential is curtailed, for example, by the strict language allocation policies that have accompanied the growth of dual language education programs in the last decade in the USA, which come close to the neoliberal understanding of multilingualism espoused in the European Union.

It is important to keep the conceptual distinctions between plurilingualism and translanguaging at the forefront as we develop ways of enacting them in practice, even when pedagogies may turn out to look the same. Because the theoretical stance of translanguaging brings forth and affirms dynamic multilingual realities, it offers the potential to transform minoritized communities sense of self that the concept of plurilingualism may not always do. The purpose of translanguaging could be transformative of socio-political and socio-educational structures that legitimize the language hierarchies that exclude minoritized bilingual students and the epistemological understandings that render them invisible. In its theoretical formulation, translanguaging disrupts the concept of named languages and the power hierarchies in which languages are positioned. But the issue for the future is whether school authorities will allow translanguaging to achieve its potential, or whether it will silence it as simply another kind of scaffold. To the degree that educators act on translanguaging with political intent, it will continue to crack some openings and to open opportunities for bilingual students. Otherwise, the present conceptual differences between plurilingualism and translanguaging will be erased.

Source: GARCÍA, Ofelia; OTHEGUY, Ricardo. Plurilingualism and translanguaging: Commonalities and divergences. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, v. 23, n. 1, p. 17-35, 2020.

Garcia e Otheguy (2020)