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The Right to a “Custody Hearing” under International Law

by Maria Laura Canineu
February 3, 2014

        A person who is arrested has a right to be brought promptly before a judge. This is a longstanding and fundamental principle of international law, crucial for ensuring that the person’s arrest, treatment, and any ongoing detention are lawful.
        Yet, until now, Brazil has not respected this right. Detainees often go months before seeing a judge. For instance, in São Paulo state, which houses 37 percent of Brazil’s total prison population, most detainees are not brought before a judge for at least three months. The risk of ill-treatment is often highest during the initial stages of detention, when police are questioning a suspect. The delay makes detainees more vulnerable to torture and other serious forms of mistreatment by abusive police officers.
        In 2012, the UN Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment reported that it had received “repeated and consistent accounts of torture and ill-treatment” in São Paulo and other Brazilian states, “committed by, in particular, the military and civil police.” The torture had allegedly occurred in police custody or at the moment of arrest, on the street, inside private homes, or in hidden outdoor areas, and was described as “gratuitous violence, as a form of punishment, to extract confessions, and as a means of extortion.”
        In addition to violating the rights of detainees, these abusive practices make it more difficult for the police to establish the kind of public trust that is often crucial for effective crime control. These practices undermine legitimate efforts to promote public security and curb violent crime, and thus have a negative impact on Brazilian society as a whole.
        The right to be brought before a judge without unnecessary delay is enshrined in treaties long ago ratified by Brazil, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the American Convention on Human Rights. The United Nations Human Rights Committee, which is responsible for interpreting the ICCPR, has determined that the delay between the arrest of an accused and the time before he is brought before a judicial authority “should not exceed a few days,” even during states of emergency.
        Other countries in Latin America have incorporated this right into their domestic law. For instance, in Argentina, the federal Criminal Procedure Code requires that in cases of arrest without a judicial order, the detainee must be brought to a competent judicial authority within six hours.
        In contrast, Brazil’s criminal procedure code requires that when an adult is arrested in flagrante and held in police custody, only the police files of the case need to be presented to the judge within 24 hours, not the actual detainee. Judges evaluate the legality of the arrest and make the decision about whether to order continued detention or other precautionary measures based solely on the written documents provided by the police.
        The code establishes a maximum of 60 days for the first judicial hearing with the detainee, but does not explicitly say when this period begins. In practice, this often means that police in Brazil can keep people detained, with formal judicial authorization, for several months, without giving the detainee a chance to actually see a judge.
        According to the code, the only circumstance in which police need to bring a person before the judge immediately applies to cases of crimes not subject to bail in which arresting officer was not able to exhibit the arrest order to the person arrested at the time of arrest. Otherwise, the detainee may also not see a judge for several months.

                                         (www.hrw.org. Editado e adaptado)

Leia o texto para responder às questões de números 44 a 55.

                                      A seca

     De repente, uma variante trágica.
     Aproxima-se a seca.
     O sertanejo adivinha-a e prefixa-a graças ao ritmo singular com que se desencadeia o flagelo.
     Entretanto não foge logo, abandonando a terra a pouco e pouco invadida pelo limbo candente que irradia do Ceará.
     Buckle, em página notável, assinala a anomalia de se não afeiçoar nunca, o homem, às calamidades naturais que o rodeiam. Nenhum povo tem mais pavor aos terremotos que o peruano; e no Peru as crianças ao nascerem têm o berço embalado pelas vibrações da terra.
     Mas o nosso sertanejo faz exceção à regra. A seca não o apavora. É um complemento à sua vida tormentosa, emoldurando-a em cenários tremendos. Enfrenta-a, estoico. Apesar das dolorosas tradições que conhece através de um sem-número de terríveis episódios, alimenta a todo o transe esperanças de uma resistência impossível.
     Com os escassos recursos das próprias observações e das dos seus maiores, em que ensinamentos práticos se misturam a extravagantes crendices, tem procurado estudar o mal, para o conhecer, suportar e suplantar. Aparelha-se com singular serenidade para a luta. Dois ou três meses antes do solstício de verão, especa e fortalece os muros dos açudes, ou limpa as cacimbas. Faz os roçados e arregoa as estreitas faixas de solo arável à orla dos ribeirões. Está preparado para as plantações ligeiras à vinda das primeiras chuvas.
     Procura em seguida desvendar o futuro. Volve o olhar para as alturas; atenta longamente nos quadrantes; e perquire os traços mais fugitivos das paisagens...
     Os sintomas do flagelo despontam-lhe, então, encadeados em série, sucedendo-se inflexíveis, como sinais comemorativos de uma moléstia cíclica, da sezão assombradora da Terra. Passam as chuvas do caju em outubro, rápidas, em chuvisqueiros prestes delidos nos ares ardentes, sem deixarem traços; e pintam as caatingas, aqui, ali, por toda a parte, mosqueadas de tufos pardos de árvores marcescentes, cada vez mais numerosos e maiores, lembrando cinzeiros de uma combustão abafada, sem chamas; e greta-se o chão; e abaixa-se vagarosamente o nível das cacimbas... Do mesmo passo nota que os dias, estuando logo ao alvorecer, transcorrem abrasantes, à medida que as noites se vão tornando cada vez mais frias. A atmosfera absorve-lhe, com avidez de esponja, o suor na fronte, enquanto a armadura de couro, sem mais a flexibilidade primitiva, se lhe endurece aos ombros, esturrada, rígida, feito uma couraça de bronze. E ao descer das tardes, dia a dia menores e sem crepúsculos, considera, entristecido, nos ares, em bandos, as primeiras aves emigrantes, transvoando a outros climas...
?     É o prelúdio da sua desgraça.

(Euclides da Cunha, Os Sertões. Em: Massaud Moisés, A literatura brasileira através dos tempos, 2004.)

Leia o texto para responder às questões de números 44 a 55.

                                      A seca

     De repente, uma variante trágica.
     Aproxima-se a seca.
     O sertanejo adivinha-a e prefixa-a graças ao ritmo singular com que se desencadeia o flagelo.
     Entretanto não foge logo, abandonando a terra a pouco e pouco invadida pelo limbo candente que irradia do Ceará.
     Buckle, em página notável, assinala a anomalia de se não afeiçoar nunca, o homem, às calamidades naturais que o rodeiam. Nenhum povo tem mais pavor aos terremotos que o peruano; e no Peru as crianças ao nascerem têm o berço embalado pelas vibrações da terra.
     Mas o nosso sertanejo faz exceção à regra. A seca não o apavora. É um complemento à sua vida tormentosa, emoldurando-a em cenários tremendos. Enfrenta-a, estoico. Apesar das dolorosas tradições que conhece através de um sem-número de terríveis episódios, alimenta a todo o transe esperanças de uma resistência impossível.
     Com os escassos recursos das próprias observações e das dos seus maiores, em que ensinamentos práticos se misturam a extravagantes crendices, tem procurado estudar o mal, para o conhecer, suportar e suplantar. Aparelha-se com singular serenidade para a luta. Dois ou três meses antes do solstício de verão, especa e fortalece os muros dos açudes, ou limpa as cacimbas. Faz os roçados e arregoa as estreitas faixas de solo arável à orla dos ribeirões. Está preparado para as plantações ligeiras à vinda das primeiras chuvas.
     Procura em seguida desvendar o futuro. Volve o olhar para as alturas; atenta longamente nos quadrantes; e perquire os traços mais fugitivos das paisagens...
     Os sintomas do flagelo despontam-lhe, então, encadeados em série, sucedendo-se inflexíveis, como sinais comemorativos de uma moléstia cíclica, da sezão assombradora da Terra. Passam as chuvas do caju em outubro, rápidas, em chuvisqueiros prestes delidos nos ares ardentes, sem deixarem traços; e pintam as caatingas, aqui, ali, por toda a parte, mosqueadas de tufos pardos de árvores marcescentes, cada vez mais numerosos e maiores, lembrando cinzeiros de uma combustão abafada, sem chamas; e greta-se o chão; e abaixa-se vagarosamente o nível das cacimbas... Do mesmo passo nota que os dias, estuando logo ao alvorecer, transcorrem abrasantes, à medida que as noites se vão tornando cada vez mais frias. A atmosfera absorve-lhe, com avidez de esponja, o suor na fronte, enquanto a armadura de couro, sem mais a flexibilidade primitiva, se lhe endurece aos ombros, esturrada, rígida, feito uma couraça de bronze. E ao descer das tardes, dia a dia menores e sem crepúsculos, considera, entristecido, nos ares, em bandos, as primeiras aves emigrantes, transvoando a outros climas...
?     É o prelúdio da sua desgraça.

(Euclides da Cunha, Os Sertões. Em: Massaud Moisés, A literatura brasileira através dos tempos, 2004.)

Leia o texto para responder às questões de números 65 a 70.

What is organized crime?

Organized crime was characterised by the United Nations, in 1994, as: " group organization to commit crime; hierarchical links or personal relationships which permit leaders to control the group: violence, intimidation and corruption used to earn profits or control territories or markets; laundering of illicit proceeds both in furtherance of criminal activity and to infiltrate the legitimate economy; the potential for expansion into any new activities and beyond national borders; and cooperation with other organized transnational criminal groups." It is increasingly global. Although links between, for example, mafia groups in Italy and the USA have existed for decades, new and rapid means of communication have facilitated the development of international networks. Some build on shared linguistic or cultural ties, such as a network trafficking drugs and human organs, which links criminal gangs in Mozambique, Portugal, Brazil, Pakistan, Dubai and South Africa. Others bring together much less likely groups, such as those trafficking arms, drugs and people between South Africa, Nigeria, Pakistan and Russia, or those linking the Russian mafia with Colombian cocaine cartels or North American criminal gangs with the Japanese Yakuza. Trafficked commodities may pass from group to group along the supply chain; for instance heroin in Italy has traditionally been produced in Afghanistan, transported by Turks, distributed by Albanians, and sold by Italians. Organized crime exploits profit opportunities wherever they arise. Globalization of financial markets, with free movement of goods and capital, has facilitated smuggling of counterfeit goods (in part a reflection of the creation of global brands), internet fraud, and money-laundering. On the other hand, organized crime also takes advantage of the barriers to free movement of people across national borders and the laws against non-medicinal use of narcotics: accordingly it earns vast profits in smuggling migrants and psychoactive drugs. Briquet and Favarel have identified deregulation and the " rolling back of the state" in some countries as creating lacunae that have been occupied by profiteers. The political changes in Europe in the late 1980s fuelled the growth in criminal networks, often involving former law enforcement officers. Failed states, such as the Democratic Republic of Congo or Sierra Leone, have provided further opportunities as criminal gangs smuggle arms in and commodities out, for example diamonds, gold, and rare earth metals, often generating violence against those involved in the trade and in the surrounding communities. Finally, there are a few states, such as the Democratic Republic of Korea and Burma and Guinea-Bissau (once described as a narco-state) where politicians have been alleged to have played an active role in international crime. Organized criminal gangs have strong incentives. Compared with legitimate producers, they have lower costs of production due to the ability to disregard quality and safety standards, tax obligations, minimum wages or employee benefits. Once established, they may threaten or use violence to eliminate competitors, and can obtain favourable treatment by regulatory authorities either through bribes or threats.

(www.globalizationandhealth.com. Adaptado)

Leia o texto para responder às questões de números 61 a 64.

Violence Prevention Among Young People in Brazil

Crime and violence have increased dramatically in Brazil in recent decades, particularly in large urban areas, leading to more intense public debate on causes and solutions. The right to life is the most fundamental of all rights. Having security means living without fearing the risk of violation of ones life, liberty, physical integrity or property. Security means not only to be free from actual risks, but also to be able to enjoy the feeling of security. In this respect, human rights are systematically undermined by violence and insecurity. UNESCO expects to play a primary role in supporting actions of social inclusion to help in the prevention of violence, especially among young people. The attributes and resources to be found in the heart of the Organizations different areas will be grouped around this objective. Violence is seen as a violation of fundamental human rights, as a threat to the respect for the principles of liberty and equality. An approach focused on the access to quality education, to decent jobs, to cultural, sports and leisure activities, to digital inclusion and the protection and promotion of human rights and of the environment will be implemented as a response to the challenge of preventing violence among youths. Such approach should also help in creating real opportunities for young people to improve their life conditions and develop their citizenship.

(www.unesco.org. Adaptado)

Leia o texto para responder às questões de números 44 a 55.

                                      A seca

     De repente, uma variante trágica.
     Aproxima-se a seca.
     O sertanejo adivinha-a e prefixa-a graças ao ritmo singular com que se desencadeia o flagelo.
     Entretanto não foge logo, abandonando a terra a pouco e pouco invadida pelo limbo candente que irradia do Ceará.
     Buckle, em página notável, assinala a anomalia de se não afeiçoar nunca, o homem, às calamidades naturais que o rodeiam. Nenhum povo tem mais pavor aos terremotos que o peruano; e no Peru as crianças ao nascerem têm o berço embalado pelas vibrações da terra.
     Mas o nosso sertanejo faz exceção à regra. A seca não o apavora. É um complemento à sua vida tormentosa, emoldurando-a em cenários tremendos. Enfrenta-a, estoico. Apesar das dolorosas tradições que conhece através de um sem-número de terríveis episódios, alimenta a todo o transe esperanças de uma resistência impossível.
     Com os escassos recursos das próprias observações e das dos seus maiores, em que ensinamentos práticos se misturam a extravagantes crendices, tem procurado estudar o mal, para o conhecer, suportar e suplantar. Aparelha-se com singular serenidade para a luta. Dois ou três meses antes do solstício de verão, especa e fortalece os muros dos açudes, ou limpa as cacimbas. Faz os roçados e arregoa as estreitas faixas de solo arável à orla dos ribeirões. Está preparado para as plantações ligeiras à vinda das primeiras chuvas.
     Procura em seguida desvendar o futuro. Volve o olhar para as alturas; atenta longamente nos quadrantes; e perquire os traços mais fugitivos das paisagens...
     Os sintomas do flagelo despontam-lhe, então, encadeados em série, sucedendo-se inflexíveis, como sinais comemorativos de uma moléstia cíclica, da sezão assombradora da Terra. Passam as chuvas do caju em outubro, rápidas, em chuvisqueiros prestes delidos nos ares ardentes, sem deixarem traços; e pintam as caatingas, aqui, ali, por toda a parte, mosqueadas de tufos pardos de árvores marcescentes, cada vez mais numerosos e maiores, lembrando cinzeiros de uma combustão abafada, sem chamas; e greta-se o chão; e abaixa-se vagarosamente o nível das cacimbas... Do mesmo passo nota que os dias, estuando logo ao alvorecer, transcorrem abrasantes, à medida que as noites se vão tornando cada vez mais frias. A atmosfera absorve-lhe, com avidez de esponja, o suor na fronte, enquanto a armadura de couro, sem mais a flexibilidade primitiva, se lhe endurece aos ombros, esturrada, rígida, feito uma couraça de bronze. E ao descer das tardes, dia a dia menores e sem crepúsculos, considera, entristecido, nos ares, em bandos, as primeiras aves emigrantes, transvoando a outros climas...
?     É o prelúdio da sua desgraça.

(Euclides da Cunha, Os Sertões. Em: Massaud Moisés, A literatura brasileira através dos tempos, 2004.)

Leia o texto para responder às questões de números 61 a 64.

Violence Prevention Among Young People in Brazil

Crime and violence have increased dramatically in Brazil in recent decades, particularly in large urban areas, leading to more intense public debate on causes and solutions. The right to life is the most fundamental of all rights. Having security means living without fearing the risk of violation of ones life, liberty, physical integrity or property. Security means not only to be free from actual risks, but also to be able to enjoy the feeling of security. In this respect, human rights are systematically undermined by violence and insecurity. UNESCO expects to play a primary role in supporting actions of social inclusion to help in the prevention of violence, especially among young people. The attributes and resources to be found in the heart of the Organizations different areas will be grouped around this objective. Violence is seen as a violation of fundamental human rights, as a threat to the respect for the principles of liberty and equality. An approach focused on the access to quality education, to decent jobs, to cultural, sports and leisure activities, to digital inclusion and the protection and promotion of human rights and of the environment will be implemented as a response to the challenge of preventing violence among youths. Such approach should also help in creating real opportunities for young people to improve their life conditions and develop their citizenship.

(www.unesco.org. Adaptado)

Leia o texto para responder às questões:


The Right to a “Custody Hearing” under International Law

by Maria Laura Canineu
February 3, 2014

        A person who is arrested has a right to be brought promptly before a judge. This is a longstanding and fundamental principle of international law, crucial for ensuring that the person’s arrest, treatment, and any ongoing detention are lawful.
        Yet, until now, Brazil has not respected this right. Detainees often go months before seeing a judge. For instance, in São Paulo state, which houses 37 percent of Brazil’s total prison population, most detainees are not brought before a judge for at least three months. The risk of ill-treatment is often highest during the initial stages of detention, when police are questioning a suspect. The delay makes detainees more vulnerable to torture and other serious forms of mistreatment by abusive police officers.
        In 2012, the UN Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment reported that it had received “repeated and consistent accounts of torture and ill-treatment” in São Paulo and other Brazilian states, “committed by, in particular, the military and civil police.” The torture had allegedly occurred in police custody or at the moment of arrest, on the street, inside private homes, or in hidden outdoor areas, and was described as “gratuitous violence, as a form of punishment, to extract confessions, and as a means of extortion.”
        In addition to violating the rights of detainees, these abusive practices make it more difficult for the police to establish the kind of public trust that is often crucial for effective crime control. These practices undermine legitimate efforts to promote public security and curb violent crime, and thus have a negative impact on Brazilian society as a whole.
        The right to be brought before a judge without unnecessary delay is enshrined in treaties long ago ratified by Brazil, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the American Convention on Human Rights. The United Nations Human Rights Committee, which is responsible for interpreting the ICCPR, has determined that the delay between the arrest of an accused and the time before he is brought before a judicial authority “should not exceed a few days,” even during states of emergency.
        Other countries in Latin America have incorporated this right into their domestic law. For instance, in Argentina, the federal Criminal Procedure Code requires that in cases of arrest without a judicial order, the detainee must be brought to a competent judicial authority within six hours.
        In contrast, Brazil’s criminal procedure code requires that when an adult is arrested in flagrante and held in police custody, only the police files of the case need to be presented to the judge within 24 hours, not the actual detainee. Judges evaluate the legality of the arrest and make the decision about whether to order continued detention or other precautionary measures based solely on the written documents provided by the police.
        The code establishes a maximum of 60 days for the first judicial hearing with the detainee, but does not explicitly say when this period begins. In practice, this often means that police in Brazil can keep people detained, with formal judicial authorization, for several months, without giving the detainee a chance to actually see a judge.
        According to the code, the only circumstance in which police need to bring a person before the judge immediately applies to cases of crimes not subject to bail in which arresting officer was not able to exhibit the arrest order to the person arrested at the time of arrest. Otherwise, the detainee may also not see a judge for several months.

                                         (www.hrw.org. Editado e adaptado)

Leia o texto a seguir e responda às questões de números 61 a 70.

Desigualdad social en América Latina: el reto de la doble incorporación, social y de mercado

En economías de mercado, cualquier esfuerzo por superar la desigualdad de manera sostenible requiere mejorar la participación de las personas en el mercado laboral. Ello supone que exista un número suficiente de trabajos formales, tanto públicos como privados, con protección social y una adecuada remuneración. A esta forma ideal de participación en el mercado laboral la llamamos incorporación de mercado. La incorporación de mercado es, sin embargo, condición insuficiente para reducir la desigualdad. Primero, la expansión rápida de trabajo formal puede ocurrir junto a un crecimiento aún más rápido de las ganancias de las empresas y de los salarios de quienes tienen mayores cualificaciones, con lo cual la desigualdad aumenta. Segundo, la dependencia exclusiva del sueldo para hacer frente a todos los problemas expone a las personas a riesgos impredecibles (como los accidentes y las enfermedades) y a riesgos difíciles de afrontar de manera individual (como el envejecimiento y la discapacidad). Ello conduce a quiebres de ingreso y al deterioro de la calidad de vida de amplios sectores de la población, tanto pobres como no. Las mujeres, particularmente las de menores ingresos, son quienes se ven particularmente afectadas por la ausencia de adecuados servicios sociales. El trabajo no remunerado femenino compensa la falta de estos servicios, inhibiendo la participación de las mujeres 67 mundo del trabajo formal o forzando interrupciones recurrentes, lo cual a su vez acentúa las desigualdades socioeconómicas y de género. Esta falta de servicios incrementa también las brechas de género entre trabajadoras altamente calificadas pero subutilizadas. ¿Cuánto han avanzado durante la última década los países en materia de doble incorporación? ¿Se han promovido los derechos laborales y la negociación colectiva? Y en términos de incorporación social, ¿ha aumentado la inversión por habitante? Nuestro análisis del período 2000-2010 en cinco países sudamericanos muestra claramente mejoras en la incorporación social y de mercado. En los cinco países el empleo formal aumentó y la cobertura de los programas sociales se expandió. Más aún, estos países fueron capaces de proteger el trabajo formal y la inversión social de una de las crisis más graves del último siglo, ocurrida entre el 2008 y el 2012. De los cinco países, Brasil y Uruguay mostraron los mayores cambios en términos de incorporación social y de mercado, simultáneamente. Los restantes tres países, Bolivia, Chile y Perú, en cambio, avanzaron más en materia de incorporación social que de mercado.

(Extraído de http://www.vocesenelfenix.com, mayo de 2013. Adaptado)

Leia o texto para responder às questões:


The Right to a “Custody Hearing” under International Law

by Maria Laura Canineu
February 3, 2014

        A person who is arrested has a right to be brought promptly before a judge. This is a longstanding and fundamental principle of international law, crucial for ensuring that the person’s arrest, treatment, and any ongoing detention are lawful.
        Yet, until now, Brazil has not respected this right. Detainees often go months before seeing a judge. For instance, in São Paulo state, which houses 37 percent of Brazil’s total prison population, most detainees are not brought before a judge for at least three months. The risk of ill-treatment is often highest during the initial stages of detention, when police are questioning a suspect. The delay makes detainees more vulnerable to torture and other serious forms of mistreatment by abusive police officers.
        In 2012, the UN Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment reported that it had received “repeated and consistent accounts of torture and ill-treatment” in São Paulo and other Brazilian states, “committed by, in particular, the military and civil police.” The torture had allegedly occurred in police custody or at the moment of arrest, on the street, inside private homes, or in hidden outdoor areas, and was described as “gratuitous violence, as a form of punishment, to extract confessions, and as a means of extortion.”
        In addition to violating the rights of detainees, these abusive practices make it more difficult for the police to establish the kind of public trust that is often crucial for effective crime control. These practices undermine legitimate efforts to promote public security and curb violent crime, and thus have a negative impact on Brazilian society as a whole.
        The right to be brought before a judge without unnecessary delay is enshrined in treaties long ago ratified by Brazil, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the American Convention on Human Rights. The United Nations Human Rights Committee, which is responsible for interpreting the ICCPR, has determined that the delay between the arrest of an accused and the time before he is brought before a judicial authority “should not exceed a few days,” even during states of emergency.
        Other countries in Latin America have incorporated this right into their domestic law. For instance, in Argentina, the federal Criminal Procedure Code requires that in cases of arrest without a judicial order, the detainee must be brought to a competent judicial authority within six hours.
        In contrast, Brazil’s criminal procedure code requires that when an adult is arrested in flagrante and held in police custody, only the police files of the case need to be presented to the judge within 24 hours, not the actual detainee. Judges evaluate the legality of the arrest and make the decision about whether to order continued detention or other precautionary measures based solely on the written documents provided by the police.
        The code establishes a maximum of 60 days for the first judicial hearing with the detainee, but does not explicitly say when this period begins. In practice, this often means that police in Brazil can keep people detained, with formal judicial authorization, for several months, without giving the detainee a chance to actually see a judge.
        According to the code, the only circumstance in which police need to bring a person before the judge immediately applies to cases of crimes not subject to bail in which arresting officer was not able to exhibit the arrest order to the person arrested at the time of arrest. Otherwise, the detainee may also not see a judge for several months.

                                         (www.hrw.org. Editado e adaptado)

Leia o texto para responder às questões de números 65 a 70.

What is organized crime?

Organized crime was characterised by the United Nations, in 1994, as: " group organization to commit crime; hierarchical links or personal relationships which permit leaders to control the group: violence, intimidation and corruption used to earn profits or control territories or markets; laundering of illicit proceeds both in furtherance of criminal activity and to infiltrate the legitimate economy; the potential for expansion into any new activities and beyond national borders; and cooperation with other organized transnational criminal groups." It is increasingly global. Although links between, for example, mafia groups in Italy and the USA have existed for decades, new and rapid means of communication have facilitated the development of international networks. Some build on shared linguistic or cultural ties, such as a network trafficking drugs and human organs, which links criminal gangs in Mozambique, Portugal, Brazil, Pakistan, Dubai and South Africa. Others bring together much less likely groups, such as those trafficking arms, drugs and people between South Africa, Nigeria, Pakistan and Russia, or those linking the Russian mafia with Colombian cocaine cartels or North American criminal gangs with the Japanese Yakuza. Trafficked commodities may pass from group to group along the supply chain; for instance heroin in Italy has traditionally been produced in Afghanistan, transported by Turks, distributed by Albanians, and sold by Italians. Organized crime exploits profit opportunities wherever they arise. Globalization of financial markets, with free movement of goods and capital, has facilitated smuggling of counterfeit goods (in part a reflection of the creation of global brands), internet fraud, and money-laundering. On the other hand, organized crime also takes advantage of the barriers to free movement of people across national borders and the laws against non-medicinal use of narcotics: accordingly it earns vast profits in smuggling migrants and psychoactive drugs. Briquet and Favarel have identified deregulation and the " rolling back of the state" in some countries as creating lacunae that have been occupied by profiteers. The political changes in Europe in the late 1980s fuelled the growth in criminal networks, often involving former law enforcement officers. Failed states, such as the Democratic Republic of Congo or Sierra Leone, have provided further opportunities as criminal gangs smuggle arms in and commodities out, for example diamonds, gold, and rare earth metals, often generating violence against those involved in the trade and in the surrounding communities. Finally, there are a few states, such as the Democratic Republic of Korea and Burma and Guinea-Bissau (once described as a narco-state) where politicians have been alleged to have played an active role in international crime. Organized criminal gangs have strong incentives. Compared with legitimate producers, they have lower costs of production due to the ability to disregard quality and safety standards, tax obligations, minimum wages or employee benefits. Once established, they may threaten or use violence to eliminate competitors, and can obtain favourable treatment by regulatory authorities either through bribes or threats.

(www.globalizationandhealth.com. Adaptado)

Leia o texto para responder às questões:


The Right to a “Custody Hearing” under International Law

by Maria Laura Canineu
February 3, 2014

        A person who is arrested has a right to be brought promptly before a judge. This is a longstanding and fundamental principle of international law, crucial for ensuring that the person’s arrest, treatment, and any ongoing detention are lawful.
        Yet, until now, Brazil has not respected this right. Detainees often go months before seeing a judge. For instance, in São Paulo state, which houses 37 percent of Brazil’s total prison population, most detainees are not brought before a judge for at least three months. The risk of ill-treatment is often highest during the initial stages of detention, when police are questioning a suspect. The delay makes detainees more vulnerable to torture and other serious forms of mistreatment by abusive police officers.
        In 2012, the UN Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment reported that it had received “repeated and consistent accounts of torture and ill-treatment” in São Paulo and other Brazilian states, “committed by, in particular, the military and civil police.” The torture had allegedly occurred in police custody or at the moment of arrest, on the street, inside private homes, or in hidden outdoor areas, and was described as “gratuitous violence, as a form of punishment, to extract confessions, and as a means of extortion.”
        In addition to violating the rights of detainees, these abusive practices make it more difficult for the police to establish the kind of public trust that is often crucial for effective crime control. These practices undermine legitimate efforts to promote public security and curb violent crime, and thus have a negative impact on Brazilian society as a whole.
        The right to be brought before a judge without unnecessary delay is enshrined in treaties long ago ratified by Brazil, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the American Convention on Human Rights. The United Nations Human Rights Committee, which is responsible for interpreting the ICCPR, has determined that the delay between the arrest of an accused and the time before he is brought before a judicial authority “should not exceed a few days,” even during states of emergency.
        Other countries in Latin America have incorporated this right into their domestic law. For instance, in Argentina, the federal Criminal Procedure Code requires that in cases of arrest without a judicial order, the detainee must be brought to a competent judicial authority within six hours.
        In contrast, Brazil’s criminal procedure code requires that when an adult is arrested in flagrante and held in police custody, only the police files of the case need to be presented to the judge within 24 hours, not the actual detainee. Judges evaluate the legality of the arrest and make the decision about whether to order continued detention or other precautionary measures based solely on the written documents provided by the police.
        The code establishes a maximum of 60 days for the first judicial hearing with the detainee, but does not explicitly say when this period begins. In practice, this often means that police in Brazil can keep people detained, with formal judicial authorization, for several months, without giving the detainee a chance to actually see a judge.
        According to the code, the only circumstance in which police need to bring a person before the judge immediately applies to cases of crimes not subject to bail in which arresting officer was not able to exhibit the arrest order to the person arrested at the time of arrest. Otherwise, the detainee may also not see a judge for several months.

                                         (www.hrw.org. Editado e adaptado)

Leia o texto para responder às questões:


The Right to a “Custody Hearing” under International Law

by Maria Laura Canineu
February 3, 2014

        A person who is arrested has a right to be brought promptly before a judge. This is a longstanding and fundamental principle of international law, crucial for ensuring that the person’s arrest, treatment, and any ongoing detention are lawful.
        Yet, until now, Brazil has not respected this right. Detainees often go months before seeing a judge. For instance, in São Paulo state, which houses 37 percent of Brazil’s total prison population, most detainees are not brought before a judge for at least three months. The risk of ill-treatment is often highest during the initial stages of detention, when police are questioning a suspect. The delay makes detainees more vulnerable to torture and other serious forms of mistreatment by abusive police officers.
        In 2012, the UN Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment reported that it had received “repeated and consistent accounts of torture and ill-treatment” in São Paulo and other Brazilian states, “committed by, in particular, the military and civil police.” The torture had allegedly occurred in police custody or at the moment of arrest, on the street, inside private homes, or in hidden outdoor areas, and was described as “gratuitous violence, as a form of punishment, to extract confessions, and as a means of extortion.”
        In addition to violating the rights of detainees, these abusive practices make it more difficult for the police to establish the kind of public trust that is often crucial for effective crime control. These practices undermine legitimate efforts to promote public security and curb violent crime, and thus have a negative impact on Brazilian society as a whole.
        The right to be brought before a judge without unnecessary delay is enshrined in treaties long ago ratified by Brazil, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the American Convention on Human Rights. The United Nations Human Rights Committee, which is responsible for interpreting the ICCPR, has determined that the delay between the arrest of an accused and the time before he is brought before a judicial authority “should not exceed a few days,” even during states of emergency.
        Other countries in Latin America have incorporated this right into their domestic law. For instance, in Argentina, the federal Criminal Procedure Code requires that in cases of arrest without a judicial order, the detainee must be brought to a competent judicial authority within six hours.
        In contrast, Brazil’s criminal procedure code requires that when an adult is arrested in flagrante and held in police custody, only the police files of the case need to be presented to the judge within 24 hours, not the actual detainee. Judges evaluate the legality of the arrest and make the decision about whether to order continued detention or other precautionary measures based solely on the written documents provided by the police.
        The code establishes a maximum of 60 days for the first judicial hearing with the detainee, but does not explicitly say when this period begins. In practice, this often means that police in Brazil can keep people detained, with formal judicial authorization, for several months, without giving the detainee a chance to actually see a judge.
        According to the code, the only circumstance in which police need to bring a person before the judge immediately applies to cases of crimes not subject to bail in which arresting officer was not able to exhibit the arrest order to the person arrested at the time of arrest. Otherwise, the detainee may also not see a judge for several months.

                                         (www.hrw.org. Editado e adaptado)

Para responder às questões de números 59 e 60, leia o poema de Camilo Pessanha.

Água morrente Meus olhos apagados, Vede a água cair. Das beiras dos telhados, Cair, sempre cair. Das beiras dos telhados, Cair, quase morrer... Meus olhos apagados, E cansados de ver. Meus olhos, afogai-vos Na vã tristeza ambiente. Caí e derramai-vos Como a água morrente.

(Camilo Pessanha, Clepsidra)

Leia a letra da canção do cantor cearense Falcão para responder às questões de números 54 a 58.

Guerra de Facão
A dor do cocho é não ter ração pro gado A dor do gado é não achar capim no pasto A dor do pasto é não ver chuva há tanto tempo A dor do tempo é correr junto da morte A dor da morte é não acabar com os nordestinos A dor dos nordestinos é ter as penas exageradas E a viola por desculpa pra quem lhe pisou no lombo e lhe lascou no cucurute vinte quilos de lajedo. Em vez de achatar pra caixa-prego o vagabundo, que se deitou no trono e acordou num pau-de-sebo. Eh eh eh boi, eh boiada, eh eh boi A dor do jegue, tadin, nasceu sem chifre A dor do chifre é não nascer em certa gente A dor de gente é confiar demais nos outros A dor dos outros é que nem todo mundo é besta A dor da besta é não parir pra ter seu filho A dor pior de um filho é chorar e mãe não ver. Tá chegando o fim das épocas, vai pegar fogo no mundo, e o pior, que os vagabundos toca música estrangeira em vez de aproveitar o que é da gente do Nordeste. Vou chamar de mentiroso quem dizer que é cabra da peste.

(Falcão, Guerra de Facão. Em: http://letras.mus.br. Adaptado)

Leia o texto para responder às questões de números 61 a 64.

Violence Prevention Among Young People in Brazil

Crime and violence have increased dramatically in Brazil in recent decades, particularly in large urban areas, leading to more intense public debate on causes and solutions. The right to life is the most fundamental of all rights. Having security means living without fearing the risk of violation of ones life, liberty, physical integrity or property. Security means not only to be free from actual risks, but also to be able to enjoy the feeling of security. In this respect, human rights are systematically undermined by violence and insecurity. UNESCO expects to play a primary role in supporting actions of social inclusion to help in the prevention of violence, especially among young people. The attributes and resources to be found in the heart of the Organizations different areas will be grouped around this objective. Violence is seen as a violation of fundamental human rights, as a threat to the respect for the principles of liberty and equality. An approach focused on the access to quality education, to decent jobs, to cultural, sports and leisure activities, to digital inclusion and the protection and promotion of human rights and of the environment will be implemented as a response to the challenge of preventing violence among youths. Such approach should also help in creating real opportunities for young people to improve their life conditions and develop their citizenship.

(www.unesco.org. Adaptado)