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A teoria geopolítica do poder continental ou terrestre de Halford J. Mackinder busca compreender a influência da geografia nas relações políticas e na formação de Estados nacionais. Acerca dessa teoria, julgue o seguinte item.

Segundo Mackinder, o continente europeu, o Oriente Médio e a Ásia Central formam um cinturão territorial de controle do poder continental (Heartland), impedindo o avanço geopolítico de países como a Rússia e a China em direção à orla marítima euroasiática (Rimland) circundante.

A respeito de processos históricos que se estabeleceram na segunda metade do século XX, julgue o item subsequente.

Em meados da década de 1970, começou a se desenhar uma mudança na economia mundial que, a partir de 1973 e por praticamente duas décadas, provocou, em escala global, uma crise de longo prazo cujo clímax ocorreu em princípios da década de 1980.

Acerca da transição da economia cafeeira para a economia industrial no Brasil, julgue o item que se segue.

Uma das consequências da Primeira Guerra Mundial foi o avanço da indústria brasileira de processamento de alimentos, por causa da redução da oferta externa desses produtos.

Em relação ao modelo de industrialização por substituição de importações (ISI) no Brasil, julgue o item seguinte.

O protecionismo que caracterizou o modelo de ISI foi favorável à competitividade da indústria nascente, pois incentivou a abertura de muitas empresas em cada setor.

Text I


Despite the tricky and life-threatening relationship between Paleolithic humans and the megafauna that comprised so much of their environment, twentieth-century scholars tended to claim cave art as evidence of an unalloyed triumph for our species. It was a “great spiritual symbol,” of a time when “man had just emerged from a purely zoological existence, when instead of being dominated by animals, he began to dominate them.” But the child-like and highly stylized stick figures found in caves do not radiate triumph. By the standards of our own time, they are excessively self-effacing and, compared to the animals portrayed around them, pathetically weak.

While twentieth-century archeologists tended to solemnize prehistoric art as “magico-religious” or “shamanic,” today’s more secular viewers sometimes detect a vein of sheer silliness. India’s Mesolithic rock art portrays few human stick figures; those that are portrayed have been described by modern viewers as “comical,” “animalized” and “grotesque.” As Judith Thurman wrote about the artists, “despite their penchant for naturalism, rarely did they choose to depict human beings, and then did so with a crudeness that smacks of mockery.”

But who are they mocking, other than themselves and, by extension, their distant descendants, ourselves? Of course, our reactions to Paleolithic art may bear no connection to the intentions or feelings of the artists. Yet there are reasons to believe that Paleolithic people had a sense of humor not all that dissimilar from our own.


Barbara Ehrenreich. The Humanoid Stain. Later on. Internet: (adapted).

Based on text I, judge whether the following statements are right (C) or wrong (E).

The author sides with those who take cave art to be a ‘great spiritual symbol’, as stated in the first paragraph.

Text II


This book wants to show the newcomer the lie of the land without confusing him with details. In writing it I thought first and foremost of readers in their teens. But I have never believed that books for young people should differ from books for adults except for the fact that they must reckon with the most exacting class of critics, critics who are quick to detect and resent any trace of pretentious jargon or bogus sentiment. I know from experience that these are the vices which may render people suspicious of all writings. I have striven to use plain language even at the risk of sounding casual or unprofessional. I hope that no reader will attribute my decision to get along with a minimum of the art historian’s conventional terms to any desire on my part of ‘talking down’ to him. Apart from this decision, I have tried to follow a number of more specific self-imposed rules, such as limiting myself to real works of art and cutting out anything which might merely be interesting as a specimen of taste or fashion. This decision entailed a considerable sacrifice of literary effects. Praise is so much duller than criticism, and the inclusion of some amusing monstrosities might have offered some light relief. Thus, while I do not claim that all the works illustrated represent the highest standard of perfection, I did make an effort not to include anything which I considered to be without a peculiar merit of its own.

A second rule also demanded a little self-denial. I vowed to resist any temptation to be original in my selection, lest the well-known masterpieces be crowded out by my own personal favourites. This book, after all, is not intended merely as an anthology of beautiful things; it is meant for those who look for bearings in a new field, and for them the familiar appearance of apparently ‘hackneyed’ examples may serve as welcome landmarks.

One more rule I have followed. When in doubt I have always preferred to discuss a work which I had seen in the original rather than one I knew only from photographs. I should have liked to make this an absolute rule, but I did not want the reader to be penalized by the accidents of travel restrictions which sometimes dog the life of the art-lover.


E. H. Gombrich. The Story of Art. Phaidon, New York – London: 1995, p. 7-8 (adapted).

Considering text II, judge whether the following statements are right (C) or wrong (E).

In the fragment “most exacting class of critics, critics who are quick to (…)” (third sentence of the first paragraph), omitting the second occurrence of the word “critics” would maintain the grammar correctness of the sentence.

They couldn’t even tell the time — this uncountable army of believers.

The warriors of God pushed on to the gates of the imperial city of Constantinople, their arrival heralded by a plague of locusts that destroyed the vines but left the wheat untouched. Their leader, an implacable cleric who had appeared from nowhere to great popular acclaim, exhorted his charges to holy war against the infidel with promises of a home in paradise. Disease and malnutrition were rife. Medical care often involved exorcism of the amputation of injured limbs. Torture and other ordeals settled criminal cases.

Few had any learning at all. What education there was back home consisted of memorizing outdated texts under the watchful eyes of hidebound doctors of religion. They had no understanding of basic technology, science, or mathematics. They could not date their most important holy days, nor chart the regular movements of the sun, the moon, and the planets. They knew nothing of papermaking or the use of lenses and mirrors, and they had no inkling of the prince of contemporary scientific instruments — the astrolabe. Natural phenomena, such as an eclipse of the moon or a sudden change in weather, terrified them. They though it was black magic.

The arrival of this fanatical army horrified the locals. Who were these pale-skinned, blue-eyed barbarians, marching under the sign of the cross, and what did they want on Arab shores at the dawn of the twelfth Christian century?

Jonathan Lyons. The House of Wisdom. How the Arabs Transformed
Western Civilization. London: Bloomsbury, 2009. p. 9 (adapted).

Based on the preceding text, judge the following item.

According to the last paragraph of the text, the local population of the Arab shores was greatly frightened by the presence of the newcomers because nobody knew what their purpose was.

They couldn’t even tell the time — this uncountable army of believers.

The warriors of God pushed on to the gates of the imperial city of Constantinople, their arrival heralded by a plague of locusts that destroyed the vines but left the wheat untouched. Their leader, an implacable cleric who had appeared from nowhere to great popular acclaim, exhorted his charges to holy war against the infidel with promises of a home in paradise. Disease and malnutrition were rife. Medical care often involved exorcism of the amputation of injured limbs. Torture and other ordeals settled criminal cases.

Few had any learning at all. What education there was back home consisted of memorizing outdated texts under the watchful eyes of hidebound doctors of religion. They had no understanding of basic technology, science, or mathematics. They could not date their most important holy days, nor chart the regular movements of the sun, the moon, and the planets. They knew nothing of papermaking or the use of lenses and mirrors, and they had no inkling of the prince of contemporary scientific instruments — the astrolabe. Natural phenomena, such as an eclipse of the moon or a sudden change in weather, terrified them. They though it was black magic.

The arrival of this fanatical army horrified the locals. Who were these pale-skinned, blue-eyed barbarians, marching under the sign of the cross, and what did they want on Arab shores at the dawn of the twelfth Christian century?

Jonathan Lyons. The House of Wisdom. How the Arabs Transformed
Western Civilization. London: Bloomsbury, 2009. p. 9 (adapted).

Based on the preceding text, judge the following item.

According to the text, as a consequence of the arrival of the warriors, the vines mentioned in the second paragraph were attacked by a widespread plant disease.

As taxas de câmbio desempenham papel central nas transações internacionais ao permitirem que sejam comparados preços de mercadorias, capitais e serviços produzidos em diferentes países. Por isso, a política cambial, que define os regimes de taxas de câmbio, acaba condicionando as relações financeiras entre um país e o resto do mundo.

A partir do texto apresentado, julgue o item subsecutivo.

Em um regime de câmbio fixo, que estabelece uma taxa de câmbio específica para uma moeda em relação a outra, é indispensável, para a condução da política cambial, avaliar o volume de reservas internacionais adequado.

O país A tem abundância de mão de obra, e o país B tem abundância de capital. A produção do bem X é mais intensiva em mão de obra, enquanto a produção do bem Y é mais intensiva em capital.

Considerando a situação hipotética apresentada e as teorias neoclássicas do comércio internacional, que aperfeiçoaram a análise proposta pela teoria clássica, incluindo a possibilidade de incorporar múltiplos fatores de produção, julgue o item seguinte.

Um resultado da aplicação do modelo de Hecksher-Ohlin, atendidos todos os seus pressupostos, é que o comércio exterior tende a aumentar a remuneração da mão de obra no país A.

Em relação ao governo Vargas (1930-1945), julgue o item subsequente.

Os institutos de aposentadoria e pensões foram fundados ainda no governo provisório de Vargas como forma de unificar o sistema de previdência social, sob a gestão do recém-criado Ministério do Trabalho.

There is nothing inevitable about choices that are environmentally destructive. In 1800, there were indeed 550 steam engines in Europe but there were over 500,000 water mills. Coal was more expensive than hydro power and many industrialists were not persuaded of its added value. It was the economic recession of 1825-1848 with increasing agitation by textile workers over salaries and conditions which made the use of coal-powered, steam-driven spinning machines a much more attractive proposition. More machines meant fewer workers and fewer workers meant fewer demands, notably for wage rises. Therefore, the substantial increase in CO2 emissions in Britain in the first half of the nineteenth century, which through economic competition, war and imperial domination would start a worldwide trend, was not the blind outcome of the machinery of ‘progress’ but the cumulative consequence of a set of very specific decisions taken by identifiable socio-economic actors.

Similarly, the notion that ecological awareness is only a very recent phenomenon where “humanity” finally woke up to the environmental consequences of its economic activities does not stand up to scrutiny. In the period from the beginnings of the industrial revolution to the decade when the movement towards fossil fuels use becomes more marked, awareness of the relationships between humans and their environment or the “natural world” was widespread. Environmental risks have been clearly and repeatedly signalled from the time of the industrial revolution onwards. The notion of an unthinking humanity bringing destruction upon itself does not bear up to examination.

Michael Cronin. Eco-Translation: translation and ecology in the
Age of the Anthropocene. New York: Routledge, 2017. p. 11-12 (adapted).

In relation to the previous text, judge the item that follow.

The point the author intends to make with the text is that environmental concerns began with the industrial revolution in Britain.

There is nothing inevitable about choices that are environmentally destructive. In 1800, there were indeed 550 steam engines in Europe but there were over 500,000 water mills. Coal was more expensive than hydro power and many industrialists were not persuaded of its added value. It was the economic recession of 1825-1848 with increasing agitation by textile workers over salaries and conditions which made the use of coal-powered, steam-driven spinning machines a much more attractive proposition. More machines meant fewer workers and fewer workers meant fewer demands, notably for wage rises. Therefore, the substantial increase in CO2 emissions in Britain in the first half of the nineteenth century, which through economic competition, war and imperial domination would start a worldwide trend, was not the blind outcome of the machinery of ‘progress’ but the cumulative consequence of a set of very specific decisions taken by identifiable socio-economic actors.

Similarly, the notion that ecological awareness is only a very recent phenomenon where “humanity” finally woke up to the environmental consequences of its economic activities does not stand up to scrutiny. In the period from the beginnings of the industrial revolution to the decade when the movement towards fossil fuels use becomes more marked, awareness of the relationships between humans and their environment or the “natural world” was widespread. Environmental risks have been clearly and repeatedly signalled from the time of the industrial revolution onwards. The notion of an unthinking humanity bringing destruction upon itself does not bear up to examination.

Michael Cronin. Eco-Translation: translation and ecology in the
Age of the Anthropocene. New York: Routledge, 2017. p. 11-12 (adapted).

In relation to the previous text, judge the item that follow.

In the second paragraph, the expressions “stand up to scrutiny” (first sentence) and “bear up to examination” (last sentence) have similar meanings and may correctly be used interchangeably in the text.

Text I


Despite the tricky and life-threatening relationship between Paleolithic humans and the megafauna that comprised so much of their environment, twentieth-century scholars tended to claim cave art as evidence of an unalloyed triumph for our species. It was a “great spiritual symbol,” of a time when “man had just emerged from a purely zoological existence, when instead of being dominated by animals, he began to dominate them.” But the child-like and highly stylized stick figures found in caves do not radiate triumph. By the standards of our own time, they are excessively self-effacing and, compared to the animals portrayed around them, pathetically weak.

While twentieth-century archeologists tended to solemnize prehistoric art as “magico-religious” or “shamanic,” today’s more secular viewers sometimes detect a vein of sheer silliness. India’s Mesolithic rock art portrays few human stick figures; those that are portrayed have been described by modern viewers as “comical,” “animalized” and “grotesque.” As Judith Thurman wrote about the artists, “despite their penchant for naturalism, rarely did they choose to depict human beings, and then did so with a crudeness that smacks of mockery.”

But who are they mocking, other than themselves and, by extension, their distant descendants, ourselves? Of course, our reactions to Paleolithic art may bear no connection to the intentions or feelings of the artists. Yet there are reasons to believe that Paleolithic people had a sense of humor not all that dissimilar from our own.


Barbara Ehrenreich. The Humanoid Stain. Later on. Internet: (adapted).

Based on text I, judge whether the following statements are right (C) or wrong (E).

The text suggests that 20th-century scholars had an erroneous perspective on how cave art should be viewed.

Text II


This book wants to show the newcomer the lie of the land without confusing him with details. In writing it I thought first and foremost of readers in their teens. But I have never believed that books for young people should differ from books for adults except for the fact that they must reckon with the most exacting class of critics, critics who are quick to detect and resent any trace of pretentious jargon or bogus sentiment. I know from experience that these are the vices which may render people suspicious of all writings. I have striven to use plain language even at the risk of sounding casual or unprofessional. I hope that no reader will attribute my decision to get along with a minimum of the art historian’s conventional terms to any desire on my part of ‘talking down’ to him. Apart from this decision, I have tried to follow a number of more specific self-imposed rules, such as limiting myself to real works of art and cutting out anything which might merely be interesting as a specimen of taste or fashion. This decision entailed a considerable sacrifice of literary effects. Praise is so much duller than criticism, and the inclusion of some amusing monstrosities might have offered some light relief. Thus, while I do not claim that all the works illustrated represent the highest standard of perfection, I did make an effort not to include anything which I considered to be without a peculiar merit of its own.

A second rule also demanded a little self-denial. I vowed to resist any temptation to be original in my selection, lest the well-known masterpieces be crowded out by my own personal favourites. This book, after all, is not intended merely as an anthology of beautiful things; it is meant for those who look for bearings in a new field, and for them the familiar appearance of apparently ‘hackneyed’ examples may serve as welcome landmarks.

One more rule I have followed. When in doubt I have always preferred to discuss a work which I had seen in the original rather than one I knew only from photographs. I should have liked to make this an absolute rule, but I did not want the reader to be penalized by the accidents of travel restrictions which sometimes dog the life of the art-lover.


E. H. Gombrich. The Story of Art. Phaidon, New York – London: 1995, p. 7-8 (adapted).

Based on text II, judge whether the following statements are right (C) or wrong (E).

The excerpt “lest the well-known masterpieces be crowded out by my own personal favourites” (second sentence of the second paragraph) could be, maintaining the coherence and correctness of the original, correctly replaced with to avoid leaving the well-known masterpieces out to fill the book with my own personal favourites.

Diplomacy is often described as an art, involving decisions shaped by sensitive political nuances that require human judgment, cultural understanding, and emotional intelligence — qualities that AI cannot fully replicate. While AI can support decision-making, it may also manipulate human behavior subtly, especially through systems developed in countries with different geopolitical priorities. This deepens the AI divide between technologically advanced and resource-limited nations, embedding linguistic and cultural biases and reinforcing global power asymmetries. As algorithms take their place alongside diplomats, the art of negotiation now meets the science of AI. The future of diplomacy must lie in fostering a symbiotic relationship where AI enhances human expertise, streamlines processes, and offers new strategic tools while leaving the nuanced art of diplomacy in human hands.

Diplomatic institutions adopting such technologies should also adopt guardrails to clarify how these systems inform decision-making. To ensure that AI systems function appropriately across diverse cultural contexts, adaptive and responsible AI frameworks should be integrated into policy discussions at the national and international levels. Crucially, any AI deployment must prioritise human agency. The goal must not be to automate diplomacy, but to augment it. AI’s incorporation into diplomacy offers both promise and peril. While the technology supports efficiency and expands access to information, it must be governed by strong ethical frameworks, particularly when it can shape global power relations through sensitive negotiations. Rather than embracing AI as a magic wand, it must be approached as a double-edged sword that is capable of assisting, but never replacing the unique human skills that diplomacy demands.

Anusha Guru. The Future of Diplomacy: AI’s Expanding Role in International Affairs.
In: Observer Research Foundation, 18/6/2025. Internet:<www.orfonline.org> (adapted).

Judge the following item based on the ideas presented in the preceding text, as well as on its linguistic aspects.

The text suggests that, although AI can assist diplomats, it cannot fully replace the human qualities required in diplomacy.

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