Questões de Concursos
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Sociologists have, until recently, tended to avoid technology. This began to change significantly in the late 1980s with the growth and development of both (physical) IT and the (social) debate surrounding it. In a broad sense, sociologists of technology are concerned with explaining how social processes, actions and structures relate to technology; and in this are concerned with developing critiques of notions of technological determinism. The theories and concepts which have been developed are increasingly recognised as of value to technologists, notably in the area of information system design.
Technological determinism is the notion that technological development is autonomous of society; it shapes society, but is not reciprocally influenced. Rather, it exists outside society, but at the same time influences social change. In more extreme varieties of technological determinism, the technology is seen as the most significant determinant of the nature of a society. What is remarkable about the notion of technological determinism is neither its theoretical sophistication nor its explanatory utility. It is important because it is “the single most influential theory of the relationship between technology and society”, according to MacKenzie and Wajcman (1985).
The reality, of course, is that technologies do not, in practice, follow some pre-determined course of development. Research and development decisions, for example, are significant determinants of the sorts of technologies which are developed. Also, although technologies clearly have impacts, the nature of these is not built into the technology, but varies from one culture to another, depending on a broad range of social, political and economic factors.
Hughie Mackay. Theorising the IT/Society Relationship. In: HEAP, N. et al. (eds) Information technology and society: a reader. London: Sage Publications, 1996 (adapted)
The word “nor” (fourth sentence of the second paragraph) could be correctly replaced with or, without harming the grammatical correctness of the text.
The philosopher Jeremy Bentham was regarded as the founder of utilitarianism and a leading advocate of the separation of church and state, freedom of expression, and individual legal rights. Furthermore, the “panopticon” is a type of institutional building that has long dominated Bentham’s legacy. As a work of architecture, the panopticon allows a watchman in a central tower to observe occupants of surrounding cells without the occupants knowing whether or not they are being watched. As a metaphor, the panopticon was commandeered in the latter half of the 20th century as a way to trace the surveillance tendencies of disciplinarian societies. Is it still a useful way to think about surveillance today?
The French philosopher Michel Foucault used the idea of the panopticon as a way to illustrate the proclivity of disciplinary societies to subjugate its citizens. He describes the prisoner of a panopticon as being at the receiving end of asymmetrical surveillance: “He is seen, but he does not see.” As a consequence, the inmate polices himself for fear of punishment.
The parallels between the panopticon and surveillance cameras may be obvious, but what happens when you step into the world of digital surveillance and data capture? Unlike the panopticon, citizens don’t know they are being watched. Jake Goldenfein, from the University of Melbourne, tells me it’s important to remember the corrective purposes of Bentham’s panopticon when considering it as a metaphor for modern surveillance. “The relevance of the panopticon as a metaphor begins to wither when we start thinking about whether contemporary types of visuality are analogous to the central tower concept. For example, whether this type of visuality is as asymmetrical, and being co-opted for the same political exercise.” In the panopticon the occupants are constantly aware of the threat of being watched — this is the whole point — but state surveillance on the Internet is invisible; there is no looming tower, no dead-eye lens staring at you every time you enter a URL. There may not be a central tower, but there will be communicating sensors in our most intimate objects.
Internet: <theguardian.com> (adapted).
Based on the previous text, judge the following item.
Although conveying different notions and images, the word adopted could replace the word “commandeered” (fourth sentence of the first paragraph) without contradicting the main idea of the sentence in which it is used in the text.
New Research Sheds Light to The Persian Plateau: A Crucial Hub for Homo Sapiens Post-Africa Migration
March 31, 2024
The Persian plateau, a region that spans modern-day Iran, has been identified as a critical hub for Homo sapiens following their migration out of Africa. This pivotal role was established through the integration of genetic evidence, paleoecological models, and archaeological findings. The research, led by a team of scientists from various institutions, indicates that Homo sapiens dispersed from Africa approximately 70−60 thousand years ago (kya), but it wasn't until around 45 kya that they began to colonize all of Eurasia extensively. The interim period, which saw these early humans settle in the Persian plateau, has been a subject of considerable scientific interest.
The Genetic Evidence
Genetic studies reveal that populations within the Persian Plateau possess ancestry components closely matching those of the earliest Homo sapiens who left Africa. This suggests that the plateau acted as a significant waypoint for our species during their early Eurasian colonization attempts. The genetic markers found in the region provide a direct link to these ancient travelers, shedding light on the movements and expansions of early human populations.
Paleoecological Insights
The research further explores the environmental conditions that made the Persian plateau a suitable habitation site for early Homo sapiens. Using paleoecological models, the team reconstructed the climatic conditions of the plateau between 70 and 30 kya. The models indicate that the region could support human life throughout this period, offering a stable environment for these communities. Moreover, the plateau's ecological diversity and resources could sustain larger populations compared to other West Asian regions, making it an ideal settlement area during this epoch.
Archaeological Corroboration
Archaeological evidence from the Persian Plate supports the genetic and paleoecological findings. Sites across the region have yielded artifacts and remains dating back to the relevant period, indicating a continuous human presence. These archaeological sites, alongside the genetic and environmental data, paint a comprehensive picture of the plateau as a bustling hub for early humans.
The combination of genetic, paleoecological, and archaeological evidence positions the Persian plateau as a critical juncture in the story of human migration and settlement. This research not only highlights the importance of the region in our prehistoric past but also opens new avenues for understanding the complexjourney of Homo sapiens as they spread across the globe. Further investigations into this area are likely to yield even more insights into the early chapters of human history.
https://www.thearchaeologist.org/blog/new-research-sheds-light-to-the persian-plateau-a-crucial-hub-for-homo-sapiens-post-africa-migration
Text: “Why do people collect?”
Petra Engels owns 19,571 erasers, Carol Vaughn has 1,221 bars of soap, and Ralf Shrőder has a collection of 14,502 packets of sugar. Many people love to collect things, but why? Psychologists and collectors have different opinions.
The psychologist Carl Jung believed that collecting is part of our ancient human history. Thousands of years ago, humans collected nuts and berries. They kept them carefully and ate them when there was no food. The best collectors survived long cold winters or seasons without rain. Their genes passed to future generations. Nowadays, we still have a collecting instinct.
Historian Philipp Bloom has a different opinion. He thinks collectors want to make something that will remain after their death. By bringing many similar items together, the collector gains historical importance. Sometimes their collections become museums or libraries, for example, Henry Huntington, who founded a library in Los Angeles to house his collection of books.
Author Steve Roach thinks that people collect things to remember their childhood. Many children collect things, but few have enough money to buy the things they really want, and they lose interest. In later life, they remember their collections fondly. Now, they have enough money and opportunity to find special items, and they start collecting again. This way, they can re-live and enjoy their childhood years.
Art collector, Werner Muensterberger, agrees that collecting is linked to childhood. But he believes we collect in order to feel safe and secure. While babies hold blankets or toys to feel safe when their mother isn’t there, adults collect things to stop feeling lonely or anxious.
Autograph collector Mark Baker agrees that collecting is emotional, but he doesn’t collect to reduce anxiety. “For me, it’s the excitement,” he says. “I love trying to get a famous person’s autograph. Sometimes I succeed, and sometimes I fail. Also, by collecting autographs, I feel connected to famous people. I don’t just watch them on television. I actually meet them.”
These are just a few reasons for collecting. Do you know any people with collections? Why do they collect?
Questions related to the text above
People have always collected because we need to stay alive.