Questões de Concursos

Texto 1: Afinal, o que é o fascismo?

Além de movimento, o fascismo tornou-se poder na Itália e na Alemanha no período entre guerras, sendo assim uma forma específica de regime político do Estado capitalista. Não qualquer regime, não qualquer ditadura, mas uma ditadura contrarrevolucionária com características bastante específicas, diferente, por exemplo, tanto de ditaduras oligárquicas, quanto da de Porfírio Diaz no México anterior à Revolução, quanto das ditaduras militares encontradas na América do Sul nos anos 1960-1980. Deste modo, chamar qualquer regime político ditatorial de “fascista” pode ser legítimo no plano da retórica política de seus opositores, mas do ponto de vista analítico denota desconhecimento.

Surgido das contradições oriundas da eclosão da Primeira Grande Guerra e do desafio da Revolução Russa de 1917, o fascismo constitui-se como um movimento contrarrevolucionário, formado por uma base social na pequena burguesia, especialmente pela massa de ex-combatentes, que em países da Europa central foram recrutados pelas classes proprietárias que os financiaram para formarem grupos de bate-paus contra o movimento operário e a esquerda em geral. Enquanto movimento, o fascismo representou historicamente um oponente violento das organizações da esquerda, da classe operária e dos subalternos sociais, bancado pelas classes dominantes para eliminar, inclusive fisicamente, qualquer coisa que pudesse ser associada à ameaça de “contagio vermelho”. E por isso o sucesso dos movimentos fascistas associava-se também à capacidade desses movimentos convencerem amplos setores sociais de que o conjunto das esquerdas poderia ser enquadrado como “comunista” e, por conseguinte, “antipatriótico”. Assim, dos revolucionários anarquistas até os social-democratas mais reformistas, passando naturalmente pelos próprios comunistas, as esquerdas em geral foram alvo desses movimentos contrarrevolucionários.

Em suma, não é de hoje esse uso generalizado do termo “fascista” para se referir aos opositores políticos da esquerda, e nesse caso deveria ser um truísmo afirmar que, se chamamos tudo de “fascista”, esse termo perde sua força explicativa. Se é para de fato levarmos o fascismo a sério, esse caminho generalizante não ajuda.

Desde as Jornadas de Junho de 2013, no âmbito da esquerda [brasileira] mais uma vez o uso do termo fascista é abusivamente adotado para se referir, por exemplo, aos governos estaduais, à instituição Polícia Militar e mesmo ao governo federal. E como não lembrar do infeliz comentário da filósofa Marilena Chauí, diante de uma plateia da Academia daPolícia Militar do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, em fins de agosto de 2013, quando caracterizou os “black blocs” como “inspirados no fascismo”?

MELO, Demian. Sobre o fascismo e o fascismo no Brasil de hoje. Disponível em: http://blogjunho.com.br/sobre-ofascismo-e-o-fascismo-no-brasil-de-hoje/. Acesso em: 10 de mai. de 2017. Fragmento adaptado.

TEXTO

Brazil has declared an end to its public health emergency over the Zika virus, 18 months after a surge in cases drew headlines around the world.

The mosquito-borne virus was not considered a major health threat until the 2015 outbreak revealed that Zika can lead to severe birth defects. One of those defects, microcephaly, causes babies to be born with skulls much smaller than expected.

Photos of babies with the defect spread panic around the globe as the virus was reported in dozens of countries. Many would-be travellers cancelled their trips to Zika-infected places. The concern spread even more widely when health officials said it could also be transmitted through sexual contact with an infected person.

The health scare came just as Brazil, the epicentre of the outbreak, was preparing to host the 2016 Olympics, fuelling concerns the Games could help spread the virus. One athlete, a Spanish wind surfer, said she got Zika while training in Brazil ahead ofthe Games.

In response to the outbreak, Brazil launched a mosquito-eradication campaign. The health ministry said those efforts have helped to dramatically reduce cases of Zika. Between January and mid-April, 95% fewer cases were recorded than during the same period last year. The incidence of microcephaly has fallen as well.

The World Health Organization (WHO) lifted its own international emergency in November, even while saying the virus remained a threat.

“The end of the emergency doesn’t mean the end of surveillance or assistance” to affected families, said Adeilson Cavalcante, the secretary for health surveillance at Brazil’s health ministry. “The health ministry and other organisations involved in this area will maintain a policy of fighting Zika, dengue and chikungunya.”

All three diseases are carried by the Aedes aegypti mosquito.

But the WHO has warned that Zika is “here to stay,” even when cases of it fall off, and that fighting the disease will be an ongoing battle.

(Fonte: Associated Press, Friday 12 May 2017 10.18 BST. Last modified on Friday 12 May 2017 22.00 BST)

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Em Santiago do Iguape, interior da Bahia, que se reconheceu quilombola há poucos anos, os jovens fazem questão de não deixar a herança dos antepassados esquecida. O grupo musical afro Bantos traz nas letras das músicas ensinamentos sobre a escravidão, a tradição oral e a importância de valorizar as origens. “A música foge da alma. Nenhum ser humano consegue viver sem a música, então essa foi a forma que nós encontramos de ligar as nossas raízes com a juventude que vem chegando agora, que tem poucos ensinamentos da nossa realidade”, conta o integrante do grupo, Givanildo Bispo.

“Às vezes, se a gente parar para contar a história dos nossos ancestrais, das nossas raízes, as pessoas não querem nem ouvir. Mas acabam parando para ouvir uma boa música, e os jovens vão aprendendo quem foram os avós deles, os pais deles, de onde vieram, quem são”, destacou Bispo.

Na Comunidade do Kaonge, também na Bahia, os jovens trocam muitas experiências com os mais velhos e não têm a menor vontade de deixar os hábitos e as tradições para trás. “Só em escutar as histórias dos nossos ancestrais é mais um motivo para a gente ficar na comunidade. Mas tem que ter resistência, dar continuidade, sempre vivenciar, acompanhando, participando de todos os núcleos de produções – forma de organização das comunidades da região em que todos participam de atividades produtivas como pesca, cultivo de plantas e produção de farinha –”, diz a jovem Jorlane Cabral de Jesus, de 28 anos.

(http://www.ebc.com.br. Adaptado)

TEXT 1

These days, when our slow recovery from recession seems like a full-employment program for pessimistic pundits, it’s great to have a new book from Chris Anderson, an indefatigable cheerleader for the unlimited potential of the digital economy. Anderson, the departing editor in chief of Wired magazine, has already written two important books exploring the impact of the Web on commerce. In “The Long Tail,” he argued that companies like Amazon that faced distribution challenges arising from having large quantities of the same kind of product would thrive by “selling less of more.” Corporations didn’t have to chase blockbusters if they had a mass of small sales. In “Free: The Future of a Radical Price,” he argued that giving stuff away to attract a multitude of users might be the best way eventually to make money from loyal customers. Anderson has also helped found a Web site, Geekdad, and an aerial roboticscompany. From his vantage point, in the future more and more people can get involved in making things they really enjoy and can connect with others who share their passions and their products. These connections, he claims, are creating a new Industrial Revolution.

In a 2010 Wired article entitled “In the Next Industrial Revolution, Atoms Are the New Bits,” Anderson described how the massive changes in our relations with information have altered how we relate to things. Now that the power of information-sharing has been unleashed through technology and social networks, makers are able to collaborate on design and production in ways that facilitate the connection of producers to markets. By sharing information “bits” in a creative commons, entrepreneurs are making new things (reshaping “atoms”) more cheaply and quickly. The new manufacturing is a powerful economic force not because any one business becomes gigantic, but because technology makes it possible for tens of thousands of businesses to find their customers, to form their communities.

Anderson begins his new book, “Makers,” with the story of his grandfather Fred Hauser, who invented a sprinkler system. He licensed his invention to a company that turned ideas into things that could be built and sold. Although Hauser loved translating ideas into things, he needed a company with resources to make enough of his sprinklers to turn a profit. Inventing and making were separate. With the advent of the personal computer and of sophisticated but user-friendly design tools, that separation has become increasingly irrelevant. As a child, Anderson loved making things with his grandfather, and he still loves creating new stuff and getting it into the marketplace. “Makers” describes how today technology has liberated the inventor from a dependence on the big manufacturer. “The beauty of the Web is that it democratized the tools both of invention andproduction,” Anderson writes. “We are all designers now. It’s time to get good at it.”

(Fragment from “Makers: The New Industrial Revolution by Chris Anderson”, by Michael S. Roth. Online since 24 November 2012. URL:https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/makers-thenew-industrial-revolution)

T E X T

EL TIGRE, Venezuela — Thousands of workers are fleeing Venezuela’s state-owned oil company, abandoning once-coveted jobs made worthless by the worst inflation in the world. And now the hemorrhaging is threatening the nation’s chances of overcoming its long economic collapse.

Desperate oil workers and criminals are also stripping the oil company of vital equipment, vehicles, pumps and copper wiring, carrying off whatever they can to make money. The double drain — of people and hardware — is further crippling a company that has been teetering for years yet remains the country’s most important source of income.

The timing could not be worse for Venezuela’s increasingly authoritarian president, Nicolás Maduro, who was re-elected last month in a vote that has been widely condemned by leaders across the hemisphere. Prominent opposition politicians were either barred from competing in the election, imprisoned or in exile.

But while Mr. Maduro has firm control over the country, Venezuela is on its knees economically, buckled by hyperinflation and a history of mismanagement. Widespread hunger, political strife, devastating shortages of medicine and an exodus of well over a million people in recent years have turned this country, once the economic envy of many of its neighbors, into a crisis that is spilling over international borders.

If Mr. Maduro is going to find a way out of the mess, the key will be oil: virtually the only source of hard currency for a nation with the world’s largest estimated petroleum reserves. But each month Venezuela produces less of it. Offices at the state oil company are emptying out, crews in the field are at half strength, pickup trucks are stolen and vital materials vanish. All of this is adding to the severe problems at the company that were already acute because of corruption, poor maintenance, crippling debts, the loss of professionals and even a lack of spare parts.

Now workers at all levels are walking away in large numbers, sometimes literally taking piecesof the company with them, union leaders, oil executives and workers say.

A job with Petróleos de Venezuela, known as Pdvsa, used to be a ticket to the Venezuelan Dream. No more.

Inflation in Venezuela is projected to reach an astounding 13,000 percent this year, according to the International Monetary Fund. When The New York Times interviewed Mr. Navas in May, the monthly salary for a worker like him was barely enough to buy a whole chicken or two pounds of beef. But with prices going up so quickly, it buys even less now.

Junior Martínez, 28, who has worked in the oil industry for eight years, is assembling papers, including his diploma as a chemical engineer. His wife and her daughter left three months ago to earn money in Brazil. “I get 1,400,000 bolívars a week and it isn’t even enough to buy a carton of eggs or a tube of toothpaste,”Mr. Martínez said of his salary in bolívars, Venezuela’s currency.

Mr. Martínez’s father, Ovidio Martínez, 55, recalled growing up here when the oil boom began. He cried as he spoke of his son’s determination to leave the country. “You watch your children leave and you can’t stop them,” the elder Mr. Martínez said, fighting back tears. “In this country, they don’t have a future.”

In El Tigre, hundreds of people stood in line one recent morning outside a supermarket, many waiting since the evening before to buy whatever food they could.

From: www.nytimes.com/June 14, 2018. Adapted.