Questões de Concursos

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A visão dos bairros pobres parece, às vezes, ainda mais impiedosa do que a visão de ambientes arruinados: não são bairros que o tempo veio corroer ou as guerras vieram abalar, são bairros que mal puderam nascer para o tempo e para a história. Um bairro proletário não é feito de ruínas. Ocorre que ali o trabalho humano sobre a natureza e sobre a cidade parece interceptado. As formas de um bairro pobre não figuram como destroços ou como edifícios decaídos, realidades fúnebres, mas em que podem restar impressionantes qualidades arqueológicas: em suas linhas corroídas e em suas formas parcialmente quebradas pode persistir a memória de uma gente.

No bairro pobre, menos de ruína, o espetáculo mais parece feito de interrupção: as linhas e as formas estão incompletas, não puderam se perfazer. Faltam os instrumentos, faltam os materiais que suportariam o trabalho humano para a configuração de um mundo, para a fisionomia de uma cultura.

Para a carpintaria, pode faltar madeira ou formão, um martelo, um alicate. A alvenaria é sempre adiada, interminável: a compra de tijolos, areia, massa e uma janela às vezes consumiria o salário de mais de cinco meses. Como pensar no tamanho de uma pequena horta se, quando não falta o quintal, faltam as sementes e o adubo? As rodas do samba ou os forrós contentam-se às vezes com um só pandeiro. As procissões vão sem velas e nas festas do padroeiro pode faltar a imagem do santo.

Eis o que ouvimos de Ecléa Bosi: a mobilidade extrema e insegura das famílias pobres, migrantes ou nômade-urbanas, impede a sedimentação do passado. Os retratos, o retrato de casamento, os panos e peças do enxoval, os objetos herdados, toda esta coleção de bens biográficos não logra acompanhar a odisseia dos miseráveis. São transferidos, são abandonados ou são vendidos a preços irrisórios. A espoliação econômica manifesta-se ao mesmo tempo como espoliação do passado. E ainda: “... não há memória para aqueles a quem nada pertence. Tudo o que se trabalhou, criou, lutou, a crônica da família ou do indivíduo vão cair no anonimato ao fim de seu percurso errante. A violência que separou suas articulações, desconjuntou seus esforços, esbofeteou sua esperança, espoliou também a lembrança de seus feitos”.

(José Moura Gonçalves Filho, “Humilhação social: um problema político em Psicologia”, Psicologia USP. Adaptado)

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It is suggested that the field of language teaching has moved away from a reliance on prescriptive methods towards a more nuanced understanding of the complexities of language learning. For example, Richards and Rodgers (1986) note that there have been calls to abandon the search for a single “supermethod” and to instead focus on equipping teachers with “a repertoire of methods and skills that can be used selectively in different contexts”. This reflects a move away from the idea that there is one “right” way to teach language, and towards an approach that values flexibility, adaptability, and a recognition of the diverse contexts in which language learning takes place (Richards, 2001).

Realistically speaking, each method has its own advantages and disadvantages; up till now, no method has been empirically proven the best for all language educators to blindly adopt without discussion. For example, the current great enthusiasm for (and wide adoption of) the Communicative Language Teaching (CLT) method in Egypt can be attributed to the failure of the previously adopted method (i.e. the Grammar-Translation Method) to meet the national language learning goals. It failed to develop a language learner who can communicate properly in English. This does not mean that the CLT will stay forever, especially in this Information and Communication Technology-dominated age (ICT) that has been changing the nature of language and how it should be taught (Abdallah, 2011).

(M. Abdallah, 2024. Disponível em: https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED660475.pdf. Adaptado)

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Sounds (phonemes) are represented by phonetic symbols, for example /bi:t/ for ‘beat’. In English, however, there is no one-to-one correspondence between written letters and spoken sounds. Thus the ‘c’ of ‘cat’ is pronounced differently from the ‘c’ in ‘cease’. ‘Though’, ‘through’ and ‘rough’ all have the ‘-ou-’ spelling, but it is pronounced differently in each case. Different spellings can have the same sound too: ‘plane’ and ‘gain’ both have the same vowel sound, but they are spelt differently.

(Jeremy Harmer. How to teach English, 1998. Adaptado)

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Language learning styles and strategies are among the main factors that help determine how – and how well – our students learn a second or foreign language. The term L2 is used in this text to refer to either a second or a foreign language, following the tradition in our field.

Learning styles are the general approaches – global or analytic, auditory or visual – that students use in acquiring a new language or in learning any other subject. These styles are “the overall patterns that give general direction to learning behavior” (Cornett 1983, p. 9). Of great relevance is this statement: “Learning style is the biologically and developmentally imposed set of characteristics that make the same teaching method wonderful for some and terrible for others” (Dunn and Griggs 1988, p. 3).

Learning strategies are defined as “specific actions, behaviors, steps, or techniques – such as seeking out conversation partners, or giving oneself encouragement to tackle a difficult language task – used by students to enhance their own learning” (Scarcella and Oxford 1992, p. 63). When the learner consciously chooses strategies that fit his or her learning style and the L2 task at hand, these strategies become a useful tool-kit for active, conscious, and purposeful self-regulation of learning. Learning strategies can be classified into six types: cognitive, metacognitive, memoryrelated, compensatory, affective, and social.

(M. Celce-Murcia, 2001. Adaptado)

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CLIL (Content and Language Integrated Learning) is an approach which is neither language learning nor subject learning, but an amalgam of both and is linked to the processes of convergence – the fusion of elements which may have been previously fragmented, such as subjects in the curriculum. This is where CLIL is groundbreaking.

To give a parallel example common in recent times, we can take studies on the environment. A seminal publication on the subject in the 1960s later led to a need to educate young people in schools so as to both inform and, perhaps more crucially, influence behavior. Topics relating to the environment could already be found in chemistry, economics, geography, physics, and even psychology. Yet, as climate change became increasingly worrying, education responded with the introduction of a new subject: “Environmental studies”.

In order to structure this new subject, teachers of different disciplines would have needed to climb out of their respective mindsets grounded in physics, chemistry, geography, psychology and so on, to explore ways of building an integrated curriculum, and to develop alternative methodologies by which to implement it. Climate change is a global and local phenomenon, so the increasing availability in some countries of information and communication technologies during the 1990s provided tools by which to make some of these methodologies operational.

If we return to languages and CLIL, we have a similar situation. The late 1990s meant that educational insight was firmly set on achieving a high degree of language awareness. Appropriate methodologies were to be used to attain the best possible results in a way which accommodated diverse learning styles.

(D. Coyle, P. Hood, D. Marsh. CLIL: content language integrated learning. Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2010.)